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Item Farmers and managerial capitalism: the Saskatchewan Cooperative Elevator Company(1996) Irwin, RobertNorth American farmers have intrigued historians and social scientists for the last century. The special characteristics of an agrarian lifestyle in a capitalist and increasingly industrial world, combined with a tradition of political protest, differentiate farmers from other social groups. Recently, the rise of the Reform Party in Western Canada has renewed interest in earlier so- called agrarian populist protest movements. Commentators on the present political scene often make reference to the Reform Part/s prairie populist heritage, pointing to Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, Social Credit, or Progressive Party philosophy. But do historians truly understand this populist tradition? Since its roots appear firmly lodged in the agrarian economy, the ideology or ideas of the farmers need to be scrutinized.Item Breaking the shackles of the metropolitan thesis: Prairie history, the environment and layered identities(1997) Irwin, RobertThis review of writings in Canadian prairie history and western American history suggests that a new synthesis of prairie history that searches for identity within a new framework is needed. Prairie historians must begin their work with an understanding of the relationships between people and the environment on the prairies. These environmental relationships provide the continuity upon which a new understanding of prairie identity can be constructed. This identity must be understood as an autonomous layer of consciousness rather than a "limited identity" within a national consciousness.Item The interpretation of Ganymede(1998) Garstad, BenjaminThe Commentary on Martianus Capella contains an interesting, and largely isolated, example of historical rationalization in the gloss on the lemma "Verum quidam redimitus" (De nuptiis I, 90). The passage as a whole concerns the identification and interpretation of the puer in the sentence "verum quidam redimitus puer ad os compresso digito salutari silentium commonebat." It is first suggested that the reference is to Cupid, which is in accord with the terse comments of two earlier commentators, Remigius and Johannes Scottus. Breaking new ground, however, the author of the Berlin commentary offers Ganymede as an alternative, and it is his presentation of this myth which shall be treated here.Item The Berlin commentary on Martianus Capella's De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, book II(1998) Westra, H. J.; Kupke, T.; Garstad, Benjamin; Martianus CapellaCompleting Prof. Westra's 1994 edition of Book I (published by Brill as "Mittellateinische Studien und Texte, 20"), this critical edition presents the only complete, late medieval Latin commentary on Book II of Martianus Capella's influential handbook of the Seven Liberal Arts. It also provides an Index of Proper Names to both Book I and II. Using his allegorical interpretation of the programmatic marriage of Mercury (eloquence) and Philology (learning) as a speculative, proto-scientific method of enquiry, the commentator provides encyclopedic coverage of medieval philosophy, theology, science, myth, language, literature and education. Intellectually the author is still connected with early scholasticism and the School of Chartres, being more sympathetic to Neoplatonism than to the newly arrived Aristotelians. The present edition has been keyed to Dick's as well as Willis' edition of Martianus Capella.Item A clear intention to effect such a modification: The NRTA and Treaty hunting and fishing rights(2000) Irwin, RobertThe purpose of this article is to fill a gap in the historical literature regarding the Natural Resources Transfer Agreements; specifically, it aims to "provide insights into the negotiations leading to section 12 of the NRTA and identify the intent and purpose of the framers." The author, Robert Irwin, notes that the Supreme Court has made several decisions (e.g., Frank v. The Queen, Moosehunter v. The Queen, R. v. Horseman, R. v. Gladue, etc.) that have altered the understanding of Treaty rights and the NRTA regarding hunting and fishing rights, without the benefit of being able to draw on historical research on the NRTA, regarding the original intentions in its framing. Irwin asserts that in the construction of section 12 of the NRTA the Dominion intended "to ensure that Indians maintained their Treaty right of access to unoccupied Crown lands for the purpose of hunting, trapping and fishing;" it also "hoped to conserve game through wise management in the belief that this was important … because of Treaty rights;" and it recognized that hunting regulations and licensed fishing would be set by the provincial government. Irwin concludes by noting that the historical evidence suggests that "the government did not seek to extinguish and replace or merge and consolidate the Treaty rights with the NRTA."Item Treaty 8: an anomaly revisited(2000) Irwin, Robert[Excerpt] In the Autumn 1999 issue of BC Studies Arthur J. Ray called attention to the important place of Treaty 8 in British Columbia's history. After reading Professor Ray's article, however, readers may be left with the impression that the Canadian government intended to include the McLeod Lake Sekani in Treaty 8 in 1899 but failed to secure their adhesion for a century because the BC government locked the Department of Indian Affairs (DIA). According to this interpretation, the agreement corrects an outstanding historical wrong perpetrated by the BC government. Professor Ray, however, omits important evidence that people need in order to understand fully Treaty 8 in British Columbia. He quotes from documents selectively - at times citing the statement of claim made by the McLeod Lake Sekani rather than the documents that are at the centre of the claim - and he makes errors in his presentation of evidence. If British Columbians are going to understand the McLeod Lake agreement, then they need a more complete understanding of the process of making Treaty 8 in British Columbia than that provided by Professor Ray.Item Cornering the Cheshire cat: reflections on the 'new British history' and studies in early modern British identities(2001) Connors, Richard; Falconer, RobertHistorians courageous enough to explore and begin to unravel the challenging subjects of "Britishness" and identifies should be congratulated for taking on the task. Yet, when considering these subjects -- the "New British history" and the Cheshire cat-like qualifies of national identifies -- one cannot but be reminded of Lewis Carroll's Alice who, by chance and choice, falls down the rabbit hole "never once considering how in the world she was to get out again." And like Alice, historians of "Britishness" and national identifies continue on down a similar ambiguous path, a path which "dipped suddenly down, so suddenly that Alice had not a moment to think about stopping herself before she found herself falling down what seemed to be a very deep well." Nevertheless, the study of British identities has recently enjoyed considerable scholarly attention and an emerging and voluminous historiography reveals to even the casual observer that this is a busy historiographical building site, a building site which has drawn heavily on the materiel, labour and tools of related academic disciplines. While we have reservations about the edifice -- a Tower of Babel -- that is being constructed, there can be no doubt this "hard-hat area" has uncovered some important findings which need to be recognised and acknowledged by British historians as beneficial m helping us fulfil, in a slightly different context, Peter Laslett's goal of "understanding ourselves in time."Item Magnus Felix Ennodius: a gentleman of the church S. A. H. Kennell(2002) Garstad, BenjaminRather than a biography of Ennodius (474-521), who died the bishop of Ticinum (Pavia), Kennell presents us with an overview of the more remarkable pieces from the works he wrote as a deacon of Milan. Kennell defends her monograph on a writer whom she admits is less than first-rate by claiming that he was "fully engaged with his physical and emotional environment" and therefore gives us insight into the literature and culture of late antiquity (2), yet she rarely strays beyond the corpus of Ennodius to establish a context or situation. Although its precise implications are not often made explicit, one of the novel and insightful features of this study is the abandonment of Sirmond's classification and rearrangement of the works by genre in favour of the chronological order in the manuscripts (there is a concordance of the two systems at the end).Item Saturn, the first coins, and the meaning of ab ipso in Tertullian's Apologeticum 10,8(2002) Garstad, BenjaminTertullian, in the Apologeticum, seems to credit Saturn with introducing coin stamping and accounting to the Italians: Ab ipso primum tabulae (') et imagine signatus nummus, et inde aerario praesidet ((From him [Saturn] were the first account books and coins stamped with an image, and so he presides over the treasury.). This account would seem to have originated from the fact that the public treasury, or aerarium, was housed in the temple of Saturn. It appears to be consistent with one of the typical features of Euhemerism, particularly as we find it in Diodorus an author definitely known to Tertullian, namely, to assert that the "gods" were men who were deified on account of specific civilizing benefits which they bestowed on mankind, that is, to make them culture heroes. None of our other sources on the introduction of bronze coinage to Italy, however, agree with the simplest understanding of Tertullian's phrase: that Saturn invented it. We should, therefore, consider reading ab ipso as indicating the relative time, rather than the person who introduced the first coin stamping.Item The Excerpta Latina Barbari and the 'Picus-Zeus narrative(2002) Garstad, BenjaminThe gods of the Greeks and Romans, we know did not pass away with the neglect of their cults, the crumbling of their temples, and the denigration of their myths. They lived on in Byzantium and the Latin West, but sometimes their disguises, the strange permutations to which their characters, attributes, and stories were subjected, rendered them almost unrecognizable. One of these peculiar forms of survival was what we shall henceforth refer to as the 'Picus-Zeus narrative', The Picus-Zeus narrative, briefly summarized, relates that Cronus was an Assyrian king who left the East to found a kingdom in Italy, and that he was followed in this by his son Picus, also called Zeus; Picus-Zeus, it continues, had a son, Hermes (also called Faunus), who left Italy and established himself in Egypt. The narrative involves many other characters from the Greek pantheon and from as the Greeks knew it, but this should be a sufficient summary of its basic plot. This may seem, at first, to be nothing more than an obscure and bizarre example of mythological rationalization, but in the Byzantine chronicle tradition it was for hundreds of years the principal explanation of the role of so-called gods in the properly historical events of the world, and versions of it are found in works form such diverse regions as Bulgaria and Ethiopia,Item The diction of the Fragmentum Fuldense(2002) Garstad, BenjaminThe Fragmentum Fuldense is found in a single recension of the Apologeticum (autumn, 197 or later) of the apologist Tertullian, and exemplified by a now lost manuscript once held in the monastic library at Fulda, copied by Modius in 1584, and printed by Junius in 1597 in his edition of the Apologeticum. The divergences between the Fuldensian and the vulgate recensions are - if many - minor. The main divergence is the lengthy passage included in chapter 19, and referred to as the Fragmentum Fuldense. There is considerable disagreement over the authorship of this passage. Several scholars attribute it to the hand of Tertullian himself; but even these cannot agree whether he composed the Fragmentum Fuldense before or after the vulgate version. Among those who do not consider Tertullian to be the author, a popular supposition is that the Fragmentum Fuldense is the work of a learned librarian very familiar with the writings of Tertullian.Item Canada and the financing of the United Nations Emergency Force, 1957-1963(2002) Carroll, MichaelThe current financial crisis of the United Nations is generally traced to the peacekeeping mission in the Congo and its price tag. This paper proposes that the roots of financial unrest lie rather as early as 1956, in the financing of the United Nations Emergency Force. Peacekeeping funding quickly became a litmus test of support for the United Nations - a sign of policy beyond platitudes. In Canada, the political popularity of peacekeeping required that the Diefenbaker government play an active role in trying to resolve the UN's financial predicament. However, despite the advantages that UNEF and peacekeeping brought to an unstable world, there was in fact little that Canada or the United Nations could do to force individual nations to financially support collective UN policies.Item No means no: Ermineskin’s resistance to reserve surrender, 1902-1921(2003) Irwin, RobertThe patent to a section of land in the middle of Ermineskin's reserve was held by the Hudson's Bay Company and eventually sold to farmers. When the Department of Indian Affairs became aware of the situation, they embarked on a campaign to have the Ermineskin people surrender the land. This paper exams the practices of the Department of Indian Affairs and the determined resistance of the Ermineskin people to shed light on land surrender and Aboriginal agency.Item The identification of Belus with Cronus in Nonnus’s Dionysiaca 18.222-8(2003) Garstad, BenjaminThere is an instance of Belus being identified with Cronus in the Dionysiaca of Nonnus of Panopolis (5th c.), but it has not heretofore been recognized. In the eighteenth book Dionysus visits the Assyrian king, Staphylus, who encourages the god by telling him a story of the Titanomachy and the monsters sent against Zeus. 'Assyrian Belus' is mentioned at the beginning of this story, though all modern editors, following Cunaeus have rearranged the introductory lines in various ways, but consistently so as to make Belus the grandfather of Staphylus and the original narrator of the story. The character of Belus is treated inconsistently in the rest of the epic, in book 3 Belus, referred to as 'the Libyan Zeus', is the son of Poseidon and Libya, and the grandfather of Cadmus\ but in book 40 Belus is treated as the Assyrian name for the Sun as a god (Cronus and Zeus are said to be other names of the Sun). Reference to these passages cannot, therefore, help us toward a proper reading of Belus in book 18, but does demonstrate that in Nonnus 'Belus' refers to no single character, neither human nor divine.Item Belus in the Sacred History of Euhemerus(2004) Garstad, BenjaminEuhemerus of Messene (fl. c. 300 b.c.e.) wrote a fictitious narrative called the Sacred History (Hiera Anagraphe) in which he claimed to have sailed to Panchaea, an island beyond Arabia on the Ocean, and there discovered a stele on which was written the story of the time when the gods were mortal men and rulers of the whole earth. Ever since, there have been arguments over whether Euhemerus was an atheist or a revolutionary philosopher, whether he was an historian or a theologian, and whether he wrote in response to the political, or the religious reality of his day. Although the discussion of Zeus in the Sacred History is known to us only at third hand (from Eusebius’ summary of Diodorus’ rendition, and from Lactantius’ citations of Ennius’ Latin translation), it seems clear that Belus of Babylon held a place of importance in the story, and may help us to answer some of our questions in regard to Euhemerus. The narratives of Euhemerus and his followers are united by the basic theory that the gods of myth were ancient human kings and by certain consistent features, including travels throughout the world by the “gods” to encourage civilization and their own worship. In Euhemerus’ own narrative the first item of note on Zeus’ itinerary is a visit to Belus in Babylon.Item Ancient rhetoric and Paul's apology: the compositional unity of 2 Corinthians(2004) Garstad, BenjaminIt is always gratifying to see New Testament literature dealt with as a species of Graeco-Roman literature rather than as an idiosyncratic phenomenon in the Greek culture of the Roman Empire. Long's insightful book is a fine example of such a treatment. The purpose of his work is to argue the integrity of 2 Corinthians by reading it as an example of a forensic apologetic epistle. The perceived discontinuities, which have provided fodder for those exegetes who see 2 Corinthians as a composite of a number of different letters, are understood as deliberate breaks separating the distinct elements found in Greek and Latin oratorical theory and practice. Altogether, Long's monograph is thorough—perhaps excessively so—and convincing.Item The Tyche sacrifices in John Malalas: virgin sacrifice and fourth-century polemical history(2005) Garstad, BenjaminScattered throughout John Malalas' history of the world from Adam to Justinian there are some dozen accounts of virgins being sacrificed at the foundation of various cities. ' In most cases the sacrifice is overseen by a king or ruler, after the sacrifice an image of the virgin selected is set up which becomes the cult statue of the civic tyche, and she gives her name to the tyche of the city. These tyche sacrifices are carried out by the heroes of Greek legend such as Perseus and Iphigenia, by Alexander and Seleucus, by a number of Roman emperors, and finally-in a modified form-by Constantine. Seleucus' foundation of Antioch and initiation of one of the most prominent civic tyche cults (made famous through the statue of Eutychides, a model for other figures), according to Malalas' Chronicle, offers a good representative example of these narratives: ... where the village of Bottia was, across from Iopolis, there he [Seleucus Nicator] staked out the foundations of the wall, and through the agency of Amphion the high priest and officiant of the mysteries he sacrificed a virgin girl by the name of Aimathe in the space between the city and the river on the 22nd of Artemisios, or May, at the first hour of the day, as the sun was rising. He called [the city] after the name of his own son who was called Antiochus Soter. And he straightway established a temple, which he called that of Zeus Bottios. And he swiftly raised the tremendous walls through the agency of Xenarios the architect. He set up a bronze stele in the form of a statue of the maiden who had been offered as a sacrifice as the tyche of the city above the river, and at once he made a sacrifice to her as the tyche.Item Shaping research frontiers: the Alberta Heritage Foundation for Medical Research, 1980-2005(2005) Rogers Healey, Robynne; Pollock, Carolee; Martin, JulianEndowed with $300 million to “support a balanced long-term program of medical research based in Alberta directed to the discovery of new knowledge and the application of that knowledge to improve health and the quality of health services in Alberta,” the Foundation, in its twenty-five year history, has reshaped Alberta’s research frontiers.Item From peace(keeping) to war: the withdrawal of the United Nations Emergency Force(2005) Carroll, MichaelUN Secretary-General U Thant's decision to abruptly remove UN forces, in response to Egyptian President Gamal Abd al-Nasser's demand, is seen as one of the factors that led to the 1967 War, as well as to a failure in peacekeeping. This article discusses the rights and wrongs of that choice and also the role of the UN and other countries in the crisis.Item Breaking down unity: an analysis of 1 Chronicles 21.1–22.1(2005) Ristau, Kenneth A.This study is a structural and thematic analysis of 1 Chron. 21.1–22.1, and conveys some general observations about its likely communicative intent for the post-exilic community that wrote and received the book of Chronicles. The central argument is that the disunity and conflicts in the core relationships between Yahweh–king, Yahweh–Israel, king–Israel, and king–army in the opening verses of the census narrative, while in tension with the Chronicler’s general tendency to idealize the Urzeit, are actually a key part of the message and purpose of this narrative in Chronicles and for the community of the text. It is argued that the narrative highlights the centrality of Jerusalem, the temple, the cult, and the absolute sovereignty of Yahweh; it circumscribes and nuances the role of David and the monarchy in the ‘history’ of the cult; and it advances particular relational principles for the post-exilic leaders and their community.